CRY FREEDOM.net
Welcome to cryfreedom.net,
formerly known as Womens
Liberation Front.
A website
that hopes to draw and keeps your attention for babout the 21th. century feminist revolution as well especially the Zan, Zendegi, Azadi uprising in Iran and the
and the uprisings of our sisters in other parts of the Middle-east. This online magazine
that started December 2019 is published every week. Thank you for your time and interest. |
|
JINA MAHSA AMINI
The face of Iran's protests. Her life, her dreams
and her death.
In memory of Jina 'Mahsa' Amini, the cornerstone of the 'Zan.
Zendegi. Azadi revolution.
16 February 2023 | By Gino d'Artali
And also
Read all about the assasination of the 22 year young
Jina Mahsa Amini (Kurdistan-Iran) and the start of the Zan,
Zendegi, Azadi (Women, life, freedom) revolution in Iran
2022-'24
and the latest news about the 'Women Live Freedom' Revolution
per month in
2024:
March wk1 part2 --
March wk1 --
Feb wk5 part3 --
Feb wk5 part2 --
overview per month
and 2023:
Dec wk 5 part 2 -- Dec wk 5
--
Dec
week 4-3 --
Dec wk3
--
Dec 17 - 10
--
Dec week 2 and 1
--
click here for a menu overview November - Januari
2023
|
|
And
For all topics below
that may hopefully interest you click on the
image:
February 19, 2024: Noteworthy by G. d'A.: concerning the below topics
from here on all news will be embedded in either the actual news
coverage or in a headlined title with a link to the full report or to '
The dance 'round the gallows' news.
'BIOLOGICAL |
'BLINDING |
CLICK HERE ON HOW TO READ ALL ON THIS PAGE
Here we are to enter THE IRANIAN
WOMEN'S REVOLUTIONISTS against
Dear reader, from here on the 'Woman,
Life, Freedom' pages menu will look a bit different and this
to avoid too many pop-ups ,meaning the underlined period
in yellow tells you in what period you are and click on another
underlinded period to go there. However, when needed a certain
topic will be in yellow meaning it's a link to go that topic and
will open in a new window. If you dissagree about any change feel more than free to let me know what you
think at
info@cryfreedom.net
|
Please do read
the following articles with mostly very
'Inspiring Stories' - click on the underlined topics -
|
'The mullahs' regime / OHCHR* gallows' dance' Click here for earlier reports
Click here for the latest news of the |
March 1 - February 29, 2024 |
When one hurts or kills a women
one hurts or kills hummanity and is an antrocitie.
Gino d'Artali
and: My mother (1931-1997) always said to me <Mi
figlio, non esistono notizie <vecchie> perche puoi imparare qualcosa da
qualsiasi notizia.> Translated: <My son, there is no such thing as so
called 'old' news because you can learn something from any news.>
Gianna d'Artali.
Gender Apartheid Regime
In memory of
Jina Amini and Armita Gevarand
artwork: G. d'A.
Hengaw Organisation for Human Right - 6 March, 2024
<<The reasons the International Community Should Classify the Islamic Republic
of Iran as a Gender Apartheid Regime
In this discourse, Hengaw endeavors to elucidate why the global community should
categorize the Islamic Republic as a gender apartheid regime by referring to its
legal provisions and the legal system concerning the issue of sexual and gender
norms in Iranian society.
The Implementation of Compulsory Hijab in Iran after the 1979 Revolution
Just days after Ruhollah Khomeini's arrival in Iran following the 1979
revolution, the first whispers of compulsory hijab surfaced through his speeches
and his supporters. On March 6, 1979, a few weeks after Khomeini's arrival, the
<Ettela'at> newspaper published excerpts from his speech at the Fayzieh school
in Qom, stating: <Islamic women must appear with hijab and not reveal
themselves. Women are not prohibited from working in public, but they must be in
Islamic attire with hijab.> Although Ettela'at titled the short article <Women
in Islam have the right to divorce,> the content revealed Khomeini's call for
compulsory hijab. Khomeini further declared in similar speeches that the
presence of unveiled women in the workplace <promotes sin.> These proclamations,
more authoritative than mere opinions, aligned with another decree from him
urging the cancellation of the Family Protection Law. Just two weeks after the
victory of the 1979 revolution, Khomeini instructed the Ministry of Justice to
prioritize the annulment of the <Family Protection Law> and remove clauses that
are contrary to <Sharia law> from it. These two decrees paved the way for the
imposition of compulsory hijab, depriving women of their basic rights, sometimes
conditionally referred to in family protection laws.
Just one day after International Women's Day and while women were still
protesting against compulsory hijab in the streets, the <Kayhan> newspaper
headlined on March 7, 1979: <Women must go to offices with hijab.> Quoting
Khomeini, it stated, <Islamic ministries should not become sinful places. In
Islamic ministries, women should not come naked. Women can go to work, but they
must have Islamic hijab.> Despite women being among the first societal groups to
organize protests against Khomeini's abuse of human rights, particularly women's
rights, and despite the topic's initial withdrawal from public discourse due to
the political climate, Islamic political dominance ultimately steered
legislation in the Islamic Republic towards enforcing compulsory hijab. After
women's protests in March 1979 and around International Women's Day, especially
with significant international media coverage, Khomeini officially addressed the
matter in July 1980, severely criticizing the government for not eliminating the
<symbols of monarchy> in state offices. He gave Prime Minister Bani-Sadr a
10-day ultimatum to Islamize the ministries. Consequently, on July 3, 1980,
unveiled women were officially prohibited from entering government offices in
Iran. The mandatory hijab trend continued, leading to the adoption of the
Islamic Penal Code in 1984. Under this law, anyone officially identified as
female violating the hijab in public spaces was sentenced to flogging for 72
lashes. Since then, this law has been the foundation for what is perceived as
gender apartheid in Iran. The enforcement of compulsory hijab, legalized
gender-based oppression, and criminalization of civil resistance against this
coercion within the legal framework of Iran are intricate components of the
Islamic Republic's legal doctrine. Under Article 141 of the Islamic Penal Code
within the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, <Anyone who overtly
commits an act of hooliganism in public places and thoroughfares, in addition to
the punishment for the act, shall be sentenced to imprisonment for 10 days to
two months or receive 74 lashes. If the committed act lacks a specific penalty
but violates public chastity, the offender is solely sentenced to imprisonment
for 10 days to two months or 74 lashes.> The initial legal formulation of the
compulsory hijab issue was outlined in Article 102 of the Penal Code, later
incorporated as an addendum to Article 141 of the Islamic Penal Code, adopted in
1978. In recent years, the Islamic Republic persistently aimed to criminalize
not only the issue of compulsory hijab but also civil disobedience against it,
often referring to Article 508 of the Islamic Penal Code. Women and individuals
within the LGBTQ community, advocating against hijab coercion through social
media activism, were accused of <collaboration with Western hostile governments
(adversaries)> under Article 508, facing potential sentences of up to ten years.
Moreover, relying on Articles 500, 610, and 513 of the Islamic Penal Code, the
Islamic Republic has repeatedly charged those engaging in civil resistance
against compulsory hijab with offenses such as anti-government propaganda,
conspiracy, and insulting Islamic
Nasin Sotoudeh - Masih Alinejad
sanctities, resulting in severe, long-term sentences for figures like Yasaman
Aryani, Monireh Arabshahi, Mojgan Keshavarz, Nasrin Sotoudeh, and Sepideh
Gholian. The Chief of Revolutionary Courts in Tehran announced in 2019 that
sharing any video related to <unveiling> with Masih Alinejad, a prominent
Iranian political activist and journalist, could be prosecuted under Article
508, accusing them of collaborating with adversary countries. Simultaneously,
sharing videos related to unveiling for Masih Alinejad could lead to a ten-year
prison sentence. This implies that the Islamic Republic not only violates hijab
coercion but also criminalizes any civil activity in this context, not solely
based on the relevant hijab law but by combining it with other provisions of the
Islamic Penal Code, which systematically violate human rights, particularly in
terms of political and social freedoms.
In its latest endeavors, the Islamic Republic, through the introduction of the <Hijab
and Chastity> bill in the current year, seeks to specifically criminalize any
opposition or defiance of compulsory hijab in public spaces, whether on social
media or in urban and street public spaces. This recent legislative move has
been categorized as sexual apartheid by Javid Rahman, the Special Rapporteur on
Human Rights in Iran at the United Nations.
Structured Gender Segregation through the Compulsory Hijab Issue in the Islamic
Republic. Based on the educational policies of the Islamic Republic, after the
legal gender system is established regarding compulsory hijab, female children
at the age of seven are mandated to wear compulsory hijab in schools. Likewise,
under the same legal policy, male and female children are separated in the
country's educational structure from the age of seven. This artificial
separation disregards the entire transgender community in Iran, categorizing
individuals solely based on their biological sex, leading to various violations
of children's rights. This gender segregation, shaped by the static definitions
of <woman> and <man> according to the Islamic Republic's ideology, is
implemented through the criminalization of life, expression, and sexuality in
the LGBTQ community in Iran. This approach not only criminalizes homosexual acts
but also punishes free gender expression through the imposition of a binary
gender system, hindering the entire LGBTQ community from societal, human,
social, and political participation. This issue represents a form of systematic
destruction of the life of the LGBTQ community in Iran through references to
laws related to compulsory hijab, gender segregation, and the religious
definitions of <manners.> Any behavior that challenges the legal gender and
sexuality framework of the Islamic Republic is severely punished, ranging from
flogging to execution. For instance, homosexual acts in Iran can lead to the
death penalty, and expressing gender identity freely, even after undergoing
complex legal processes, is entirely criminalized, especially before obtaining
the so-called <attire certificate> following stringent legal procedures, which
themselves constitute a violation of transgender individuals' rights. Some of
these criminalizations are executed by referring to Articles 136, 236, 237, 238,
and 638 of the Islamic Republic Penal Code.
Ultimately, with references to laws like compulsory hijab, public chastity,
sodomy, and other legal and religious regulations governing the legal system of
the Islamic Republic, which shape its sexual and gender norms, a space for
gender segregation is created. This segregation is discriminatory and
systematically imposed on women and the LGBTQ community in Iran, leading to
their marginalization through state-sanctioned violence and preventing any form
of their social, human, or political presence. The wave of honor killings
concerning women and the LGBTQ community in Iran has been normalized under these
unequal laws. Examples such as Romina Ashrafi and Alireza Mofarrad, murdered by
their family members, illustrate the societal acceptance of such crimes under
the legal framework of the Islamic Republic. Notable cases like Jina Amini and
Armita Ghorbani, though only two known instances among several, further showcase
state-sanctioned violence based on the unequal gender and sexuality system.
Gender Inequality Index in Iran Compared to Other Countries
The World Economic Forum, in 2023, assessed the Gender Inequality Index in
various countries, ranking Iran at 143 out of 146 countries, placing it at the
bottom of the list concerning gender equality indicators. This Index evaluates
the level of equality and fairness in access to education, public health,
economic, and political participation for women. Based on different reports from
this forum in previous years, Iran has consistently held one of the worst ranks
among countries. According to the official statistics of the Islamic Republic in
2023, women's participation in employment and income generation in Iran was
measured at 14.6%. These statistics, given the legal gender and sexuality norms
governing Iranian society, signal economic exclusion and societal
marginalization of women, exacerbated by widespread violations of their
fundamental rights and the criminalization of significant aspects of their
social life. The situation is even graver for the transgender community in Iran,
considering that the legal system of the Islamic Republic categorically
criminalizes the entire sexual and gender life of the LGBTQ community.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Hengaw evaluates the current situation in Iran beyond a
discriminatory political and social system against women and the LGBTQ
community, categorizing it as a level of gender apartheid. Hengaw calls on
international human rights organizations and democratic countries to categorize
the Islamic Republic within the international community as a gender apartheid
regime.>>
Source:
https://hengaw.net/en/news/2024/03/the-reasons-the-international-community-should-classify-the-islamic-republic-of-iran-as-a-gender-apartheid-regime
Women's
Liberation Front 2019/cryfreedom.net 2024