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THE INTERNATIONAL PROTESTING SYMBOL OF GLOBAL FEMICIDE
This slogan reads: <There will never be walls high enough that can stop
organised women from tearing them down>
copyright: REUTERS
LATIN AMERICA:
Opinion by Gino d'Artali - 2 July 2022
as furious the Latin American Feminists still are right
now as furious I am. In other words: we're fighting back!
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Sep 16 2022
<<10 years of impunity since Karla Pontigo's feminicide
On October 29, it will be 10 years since Karla Pontigo died following a
violent attack in the nightclub where she worked. Although the autopsy
revealed multiple mutilations and sexual assaults suffered by Karla
before her death, the authorities had classified the case as an
<accident>. 10 years later, the finding: although the Supreme Court of
Mexico ordered in 2019 that Karla's death be investigated as femicide,
the office of the attorney general of San Luis Potosi still does not
fully comply with this judgment. No investigation has been conducted
into the irregularities committed and the negligence of the authorities
in this case. Moreover, Karla's family has still not re-ceived full
compensation.>>
Source: Amnesty International
The Guardian
28 June 2022
By Thomas Graham in La Paz
Global development is supported by
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
<<Bolivia's corrupt system failed to stem femicide. Now, feminists are
fighting back.
In parts of La Paz, every surface is papered with layers of bleached and
peeling posters: adverts for events, jobs, apartments – and missing
women.
In 2021, there were at least 108 femicides in Bolivia, among the highest
rates in South America. Many of the perpetrators are either never
caught, not punished or go free soon after. In January, fresh outrage
was prompted by the case of Richard Choque, a serial rapist and murderer
who was given house arrest and then continued to commit crimes. The wave
of fury prompted by the scandal has since driven Bolivia's feminist
collectives to spectacular measures in an effort to force government
action against femicides – and the corrupt justice system that allows
them. It started with perhaps the biggest feminist protest seen in El
Alto, the one-time satellite city that now flows into La Paz. The march
began outside Choque's house in El Alto and culminated at the courts of
justice, where activists covered the walls with graffiti, red paint and
the names of unpunished rapists and murderers. <We wanted to redirect
the discourse,> said María Galindo, founder of Mujeres Creando, a
feminist collective in La Paz. <For it not to be a discourse of
victimhood, nor a tabloid nor a police discourse. Because what Richard
Choque shows is that the central problem is state corruption. This man
was a prisoner, and yet he went free.> Galindo has since proved the
sharp point of the pressure campaign on the government. She took to
barging into state institutions and putting civil servants on the spot,
livestreamed on social media. The one-liners she whipped them with went
viral on TikTok. Then she teased a run to be Bolivia's ombudsman –
before tearing her application up in front of the cameras, in a
typically flamboyant outfit of fishnet leggings, black eyeshadow and
irreverent takes on patriotic symbols, not least a giant crown capped
with an Andean condor. Meanwhile, Mujeres Creando catalogued ignored
reports of gender violence and investigated San Pedro prison, where
Choque ought to have been held. They found a system of corruption, where
inmates bought privileges including house arrest. In response, the
government set up a commission to re-evaluate cases like Choque's,
which, though extreme, was not unique. Twenty-one others released to
house arrest inappropriately have since been reincarcerated, while
another 50 arrest warrants have been issued. Eighteen judges are facing
criminal proceedings and more than 300 of their cases are being
re-evaluated. Such numbers come as no surprise to activists in La Paz
and El Alto where gender violence has been accentuated by two factors,
said writer Quya Reyn. <First, the absence of the state, which creates
insecurity. And second, the fact that the city draws migrants – many of
them young women – from across Bolivia’s western highlands. These women
are vulnerable to abuse. If you go to [the centre], you’ll find posters
looking for nannies, looking for women to work in restaurants, said
Reyna. And they are always looking for women – only women.> <You see
this with Richard Choque,> Reyna added. <He would go on Facebook and say
that he could offer work. These young women were murdered looking for
work.> In 2013, the government introduced Law 348, which, among other
things, made femicide a crime punishable by 30 years in prison –
Bolivia’s maximum sentence. The law was welcomed as progressive
legislation at the time, and Adriana Guzmán, a feminist activist based
in El Alto, believes the text remains generally sound – the problem is
implementation. First, there is a lack of resources. <Right now, there
aren't enough judges, there aren't enough prosecutors, there aren't
enough investigators.> Then there's corruption, as demonstrated by the
case of Choque. <The entire justice system is corrupt – not just with
regard to crimes against women.>. Guzmán notes that this discriminates
most against the poor. There is some scepticism that the government's
commission will address these root problems.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jun/28/bolivia-femicide-violence-feminists
Update: 19 Feb 2022
Read here about
LAS BRUJAS DEL MAR
An Mexican group of feminist activists/
Una gruppa Mejicana de feminista activistas
The Guardian
25 Feb 2021
<<The long read
Hunting the men who kill women: Mexico’s femicide detective
Although femicide is a recognised crime in Mexico, when a woman
disappears, the authorities are notoriously slow to act. But there is
someone who will take on their case
by Meaghan Beatley
On the night of 30 October 2019, as many Mexicans were preparing to
celebrate the Day of the Dead, the family of Jessica Jaramillo stood in
the pouring rain watching two dozen police search a house on the
outskirts of Toluca, the capital of Mexico State. At about 9pm, the
authorities carried out a dead dog, followed by two live ones and a cat.
Then they pulled out a woman’s body.
Jessi, a 23-year-old psychology student at a local university, had gone
missing a week earlier. On 24 October, she hadn’t appeared at the spot
where her parents usually picked her up after class. Within a few
minutes, she called her mother to say she was going out, abruptly hung
up, then texted to add, <Don’t worry, I’m with Óscar>.
That was strange. Óscar, the father of Jessi’s 10-month-old son, was no
longer in the picture. Maybe they’d been talking, the Jaramillos thought.
But when Jessi hadn’t returned home by morning and her parents’ calls
went straight to voicemail, they knew something was wrong. She never
stayed out all night. Between school, church groups and her baby, she
didn’t have the time.
Growing increasingly concerned, Jessi’s older brother logged on to her
computer and tracked her phone through her Google account. A pin
appeared in Villas Santín, a satellite of Toluca about nine miles from
the university. Jessi’s parents, her brother and his fiancee piled into
their van.
After knocking on a few doors, the family was told by a neighbour to
check out No 136 Ponciano Díaz street, which they said was home to a
strange young man. The man always wore a black shirt tucked into black
cargo pants, with calf-high black combat boots. He was muscular, about
6ft tall, and had a military-style buzz cut. This wasn’t the first time
a young woman had entered the house and not come out again, the
neighbour said.
The neighbour’s description matched one Jessi had given six months
earlier of a former classmate who had repeatedly asked her out and then
begun stalking her. The family had helped Jessi transfer to another
local university so that she could get away from him. She wasn’t with
her ex: she must be with this other man, whose name also happened to be
Óscar. Now, they rushed over to the address, a two-storey concrete house
with iron bars on the front door and windows. A bright yellow sign
warned: “Caution: attack dog.”
The family knocked, but no one answered. So they divided up. Two stayed
behind to keep watch over the house, while the other two drove over to a
prosecutor’s office in Toluca to file a missing person’s report. They
were starting to panic. There are more than 73,000 missing people in
Mexico, collectively known as <the disappeared>. Their faces haunt
billboards and social media feeds, alongside pleas for help returning
them to loved ones. In 2019, #We’reLookingForYou and #AmberAlert were
Mexican Twitter’s top trending social or political hashtags. Many of the
missing are never found.
At the prosecutor’s office, Jessi’s father told officials about her
stalker, the message she had sent the previous night, and how they had
tracked her phone to Villas Santín. According to the Jaramillos, the
officials shrugged them off. Jessi’s message indicated she was with
Óscar García Guzmán of her own free will, they said, and besides, they
couldn’t report her as a missing person until 72 hours had passed from
the time she was last seen. The Jaramillos insisted that the officials
launch an investigation and refused to budge. After several hours, the
officials relented.
That night, police knocked on the house’s door and when no one answered,
left. The following morning, Saturday 26 October, García emerged. The
Jaramillos, who had been eating and sleeping in their van opposite the
house since the previous day in order to keep watch, approached García
to ask him to let them in to check on Jessi. García shouted that he
hadn’t seen her and that they couldn’t come in without a warrant. Then
he called the police on them. Officers came, took statements outside,
and once again left. But before they did, García agreed to go to the
prosecutor’s office to leave a statement regarding Jessi’s missing
person’s case – though not until Monday. He had homework to do over the
weekend, he said. The following day, a judge denied a search warrant
request for García’s house.
At about 8.30am on Monday 28 October, García took a taxi over to the
prosecutor’s office. In his interview, an account of which I was shown,
he described Jessi as a “friend with benefits” whom he’d known for a few
months. He stated that the two had met up on the afternoon of 24 October,
bought a pizza and gone back to his place to eat it, after which she had
left in a taxi to see the father of her baby, the other Óscar.
At 11.45am, García returned home from the prosecutor’s office. Then 20
minutes later, he stepped out again. In a video the Jaramillos took, you
can see him stride by, clad in his black, military-style uniform – like
an overgrown action figure – a backpack slung over his shoulder, a phone
clutched to his ear. With his free hand he flashes them a peace sign
before disappearing out of the camera’s frame. According to police, at
this point, he skipped town.
On 29 October, five days after Jessi had first disappeared, a judge
approved a second search of García’s house based on new evidence – CCTV
footage showing Jessi entering García’s house and not coming out again.
The following night, police swarmed the house. By then, Jessi was dead.
According to local press reports, she had been strangled and left in a
bath.
The Jaramillos were exhausted, heartbroken and furious. But then, a few
days later, a woman named Frida Guerrera knocked on their door. She told
them she could help them track down Jessi’s killer.
Frida Guerrera is a journalist who hunts down men who kill women. A year
before Jessi Jaramillo’s death, Guerrera had moved to Villas Santín,
just a few blocks away from the house where Jessi’s body was found, a
wild coincidence she later ascribed to fate. <I’ve always believed the
girls tell me where to go,>she told me when we met last year. <Call it
magic.>
For the past five years, Guerrera, who is 50, has devoted nearly every
waking hour to searching for disappeared women and memorialising the
victims of femicide. A distinct crime recognised in many Latin American
countries, femicide is defined as the murder of a woman because of her
gender. Some of the signs that characterise a femicide, according to
Mexico’s criminal code, include sexual violence, a relationship between
the victim and the murderer, prior threats and aggression, and the
display of the body in a public space. UN Women calls Latin America the
most lethal place for women outside war zones. More femicides are
committed in Mexico than in any other country in the region, except
Brazil.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/feb/25/mexico-femicide-frida-guerrera
UN 27 September 2018
<<Deputy UN chief hails ‘political courage’ of Latin American countries
‘to confront and end femicide’.
A 50 million euro investment aimed at helping to end the scourge of
femicide – where women and girls are killed just because of their gender
– was announced at United Nations Headquarters on Thursday, thanks to
the ‘political courage’ of a group of Latin American countries, said the
UN deputy chief.
Amina Mohammed was speaking at a high-level event to launch the
Spotlight Initiative in Argentina, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and
Mexico.
She described the joint UN-European Union initiative as <a bold and
comprehensive response to the tragedies that we see across the world
every day>, aimed at ending violence against women and girls.
<These five countries have shown the political courage to confront and
end femicide – a crime that claims the lives of 12 women a day, in Latin
America,> said the Deputy Secretary-General.
<Given the pervasive, universal, and entrenched nature of violence
against women and girls, we knew that we would need to combine our
individual efforts if we were to succeed,> she added.
Latin America is home to 14 of the 25 countries with the highest rates
of femicide in the world and an astonishing 98 per cent of
gender-related killings, go unprosecuted.
Ms. Mohammed said that the 50 million Euro investment would help tighten
up laws and policy initiatives to curb unchecked violence against women
and girls, strengthen institutions and promote gender equality overall.
It will also <provide quality services for survivors, and reparations
for victims of violence and their families, producing disaggregated data
so we can leave no one behind and empower women’s movements in the five
priority countries.>>
Read more here:
https://news.un.org/en/story/2018/09/1021022
United Nations news 10 nov. 2020:
<<COVID-19 is overshadowing what has become a <pandemic of femicide> and
related gender-based violence against women and girls, said independent
UN human rights expert Dubravka Šimonovic on Monday, calling for the
universal establishment of national initiatives to monitor and prevent
such killings.?>>
Read more here:
https://news.un.org/en/story/2020/11/1078362
MEXICO
The Latinas are the most fierce when it comes down
to literally defend not only their rights but more than literally their
lives! I lived and worked in Cd. Juarez, Mexico and wrote an article
based on me being in the middle of the, also here literally, the
battlefield.
But before I quote myself from that article I'd like to ask your
attention for the following:
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-latam-women-protests-idUSKBN20U095
and I continue from there:
Note by Gino d'Artali
The UN has again called the period 25 Nov 'till 10 Dec a time to be
extra alert of against violence against women and called forward
countries, NGO's and of course activists worldwide to take action
against violence against women.
UN expert calls for urgent action to end ‘pandemic of femicide and
violence against women’
COVID-19 is overshadowing what has become a <pandemic of femicide> and
related gender-based violence against women and girls, said independent
UN human rights expert Dubravka Šimonovic on Monday, calling for the
universal establishment of national initiatives to monitor and prevent
such killings.
France 24
17 Jan 2023
Text by: Pauline ROUQUETTE
<<Mexican mother confronts loss, corruption and impunity in a 'femicide
nation'
High rates of femicide, combined with a poor track record of bringing
perpetrators to justice - particularly the wealthy and powerful - have
made Mexico the most dangerous country for women in Latin America,
according to the UN. But one grieving mother is determined to seek
justice for her murdered daughter, despite the odds. At 8:35pm on June
18, a Saturday, Patricia Garcia received a call informing her that her
daughter, Frida Santamaria Garcia, was injured and in hospital. Frida
had spent that day working at a reception hall where a baptism party had
been held, her mother recounted in a telephone interview from Sahuayo, a
city in the western Mexican state of Michoacan. <I immediately called
her cousin, who worked with her, to ask if he knew anything. He called
my daughter's phone, but it was her boyfriend, Juan Paulo N., who
answered,> Garcia said.
When she arrived at the Hospital Santa Maria Sahuayo, Garcia lear-ned
that her daughter had been shot. Frida had been left for dead after
being robbed of her cell phone, she was told. The gunshots had punctured
the young woman's lungs and liver. <It was the most terrible moment of
my life,> Garcia said. <A few minutes later, the doctor told me my
daughter was dead.> Frida, 24, still had her whole life ahead of her
when it was brutally cut short with a firearm. <She was a very humble
person with a big heart. She cared about the well-being of her family
and friends. She was unconditional, loyal. She was unique,> her grieving
mother said. Frida's boyfriend denied involvement in her death. But on
December 15, Juan Paulo suddenly retracted his denial and admitted that
he shot his girlfriend, saying it was not intentional. His retraction
and delayed confession promp-ted the regional public prosecutor's office
in Jiquilpan to reduce the charges against him to involuntary homicide.
This gave the accused the right to an abbreviated legal process and a
three-year prison sentence with the possibility of parole. The
punishment for involun-tary homicide in Mexico is far more lenient than
for those charged with femicide. In this country of nearly 127 million
people where, according to authorities, more than 10 women are killed
every day, the case of Frida Santamaria Garcia is yet another
illustration of the challenges victims' families face in their quest for
justice.>> Read more here:
https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20230117-mexican-mother-confronts-loss-corruption-and-impunity-in-a-femicide-nation
MEXICO DAILY NEWS
7 Dec 2021
<<Feminists expose 36 Mexican candidates for harassment and rape.
On the list is the candidate of Going for Mexico, Gabriel Quadri, who is
going for a place in the Chamber of Deputies.
The feminist collective Las brujas del Mar exhibited 36 candidates for
different positions of popular election and of the 10 national parties,
to be accused of assault, sexual harassment, rape, and child pornography.
Through their social networks, they said <here we feminists are doing
the job of investigating their candidates, we leave their
representatives here.>
On the list is the candidate of Going for Mexico , Gabriel Quadri, who
is going for a place in the Chamber of Deputies; there is Sergio Estrada
, who is the candidate of Fuerza por México for the municipal presidency
of Cuernavaca. Both are accused of assaulting women.>>
SOURCE:
https://mexicodailypost.com/2021/04/10/feminists-expose-36-mexican-candidates-for-harassment-and-rape/
France 24
26 Nov 2021
<<Thousands of Mexican women march in protest against violence.
Mexico City (AFP) – Thousands of women marched through the Mexican
capital and scuffled with police on Thursday demanding an end to
femicide and other gender-based violence in the Latin American country.
See picture as part of the article titled:
<They didn't die. They killed them,> read one of the banners carried at
the rally to mark International Day for the Elimination of Violence
against Women.
Shouting <Not one (woman) less,> the crowd, dressed in black with
flashes of purple, the color of the women's rights movement, demanded
justice for victims of gender violence.
<Femicide Mexico! They're killing us!> one protester cried out during a
brief scuffle with the police.
Tensions flared when a small number of hammer-wielding protesters tried
to grab shields from police officers, who repelled them with smoke bombs.
Around 10 women are killed every day in Mexico and activists accuse the
government of not doing enough to tackle the problem.
More than 10,700 women have been murdered in Mexico since 2019,
according to official figures.
President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has criticized feminist marches on
more than one occasion, suggesting that they are promoted by his enemies
to undermine his government.>>
Read and view the article/picture here:
https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20211126-thousands-of-mexican-women-march-in-protest-against-violence
The Guardian
Rights and freedom is supported by
Humanity United
David Agren in Mexico City
Mon 20 Sep 2021
<<Ten women and girls killed every day in Mexico,
Amnesty report says.
Families often left to do their investigations into killings amid
widespread indifference by authorities, report claims.
At least 10 women and girls are murdered every day in Mexico, according
to a new report that says victims’ families are often left to carry out
their own homicide investigations. The scathing report, released on
Monday by Amnesty International, documents both the scale of the
violence and the disturbing lack of interest on the part of Mexican
authorities to prevent or solve the murders.
<Mexico is continuing to fail to fulfil its duty to investigate and,
therefore, its duty to guarantee the rights to life and personal
integrity of the victims as well as to prevent violence against women,>
says the report, Justice on Trial.
<Feminicidal violence and the failings in investigation and prevention
in northern Mexico are not anecdotal, but rather form part of a broader
reality in the country,> the report adds.
Femicide has been rife in Mexico for decades – most notoriously in an
epidemic of murders which claimed the life of some 400 women in the
border city Ciudad Juárez during the 1990s. In recent years, a growing
feminist movement has held massive street protests against the violence,
but authorities have proved unwilling to take action to stop the
killing.
<It’s always a question of political will,> said Maricruz Ocampo, a
women’s activist in the state of Querétaro.
Ocampo has been part of teams lobbying state governors to issue an alert
when femicides reach scandalously high levels – a move to raise
awareness and mobilise resources. But officials often resist such moves,
she said, as governors worry about their states’ images and investment.
<They refuse to recognise there is a problem,> she said.
The president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has also downplayed the
problem. He branded the women protesting on 8 March, International
Women’s Day, as <conservatives> and alleged a dark hand manipulating the
demonstrations.
When asked last year about rising violence against women, he responded,
<Tell all the women of Mexico that they are protected and represented,
that we’re doing everything possible to guarantee peace and quiet and
that I understand that our adversaries are looking for ways to confront
us.>
Mexico recorded the murders of 3,723 women in 2020. Some 940 of those
murders were investigated as femicides.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/sep/20/mexico-femicide-women-girls-amnesty-international-report
The Chihuahua Post
21 July 2021
<<Woman tired of being beaten, murders husband in Ciudad Juarez.
A woman, tired of being beaten by her husband, decided to kill the man
inside his own home, in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua. According to police
reports, the homicide was committed on Sunday, July 18th, at 7 AM in a
home in the Torres del PRI neighborhood.
The police officers found the body of a man with two bullet wounds to
the head.
At the crime scene, the police officers interrogated Juana N, who
confessed to the murder and revealed that she and her husband returned
home from a party they attended together, and they had an argument that
ended in a fight in which the subject hit her repeatedly. This version
was also confirmed by next-door neighbors, who declared that it was not
the first time the man attacked his wife.
The police statement also revealed that the woman claimed to be tired of
being beaten by her husband and therefore took a pistol and shot him
twice in the head. Faced with these events, the police arrested
24-year-old Juana N, who was in possession of a 9-millimeter pistol with
a magazine supplied with six useful cartridges, and which she used to
commit the homicide.
Source: Diario MX
https://thechihuahuapost.com/2021/07/19/woman-tired-of-being-beaten-murders-husband-in-ciudad-juarez/
The Washington post
9 March 2021
Miriam Berger
<<Women in Mexico are protesting femicide. Police have responded with
force.
Femicide protests in Mexico City turned violent Monday after women
clashed with riot police stationed outside the National Palace, the
residence
of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Activists say he’s failed to
take rampant sexual violence seriously, even as it’s led to the deaths
of 10 women a day.
López Obrador, also known by the acronym AMLO, dismissed the protests
that coincided with International Women’s Day, arguing they were spurred
by his conservative opponents. But the populist president with left-wing
origins, who has long had tense relationships with feminist movements,
has in recent weeks stoked the anger of many women for his support of a
gubernatorial candidate accused of sexual assault, alongside continuing
high cases of gender-based violence.
Ahead of Monday’s planned protest, police set up a barricade around the
presidential palace, which a spokesperson described as a “peace wall” to
prevent vandalism, the Guardian reported. But protesters said the
barrier was symbolic of the president’s refusal to take on the issue,
noting that he frequently makes a show of traveling in drug
cartel-controlled parts of Mexico but felt unsafe ahead of their
protest.
Women instead plastered the barriers with slogans and the names of
murdered women. Nearly 1,000 women in Mexico were victims of femicide in
2020, according to an official database, the Guardian reported. Some of
the cases have been particularly brutal: In February 2020, 25-year-old
Ingrid Escamilla was stabbed to death, cut up and partially skinned.>>
Read more here
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/03/09/womens-day-protests-amlo-mexico
Women's Media Centre
April 13 2020
<<In Mexico’s state of Nuevo León, a new sororidad
rises.
Monterrey, Mexico — On February 21, 2020, more than 400 women stood
silently in front of the Government Palace of Nuevo León in the Mexican
city of Monterrey. They were dressed in black with purple and green
handkerchiefs tied to their necks, holding up homemade signs denouncing
femicidal violence that kills 10 women every day in Mexico. Their jaws
were clenched tight with endless rage. Their gazes reflected that which
is born when a sense of hopelessness converges with sorority. They those
gazes for over three hours.
Later, a group of women between 19 and 24 years old came before the
crowd and took turns sharing their own stories of sexual harassment and
violence. <I do believe you,> the crowd chanted after each woman’s
testimony. Surrounded by dozens of police officers, the women filled the
Esplanade of Heroes in front of the palace to secure a safe space for
them to grieve the collective sexualized violence against women.
Days before, a modified version of the viral <Femme Fist> print with the
hashtag #YoPorEllas circulated through social media and WhatsApp groups.
It gave a time, a date, and a place. But no feminist collective or
women’s association was mentioned. It was a leaderless protest.
These days, women, especially young women, are a more common sight in
public spaces in the northeastern state of Nuevo León, just across the
U.S.-Mexico border from Texas. Even though they’re in constant danger of
being harassed, attacked, murdered and disappeared, they show up not
only to denounce gender-based violence but to find one another, forge
relationships, and create new forms of organizing and activism.
Protests against gender-based violence are regular occurrences in the
country’s capital, Mexico City, but now, they’re also increasingly more
present in Monterrey, the industrial capital of Nuevo León known for its
deep conservatism and dominant business culture. The protest on February>
21 signaled the re-emergence of feminist organizing and mobilizing in
one of Mexico’s most conservative states.>>
Read more here:
https://womensmediacenter.com/women-under-siege/in-mexicos-state-of-nuevo-leon-a-new-sororidad-rises
REUTERS
March 7 2020
<<Factbox: Where Latin America women are fighting the world's highest
murder rates>>
By Oscar Lopez
Read the article/overview here:
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-latam-women-protests-idUSKBN20U095
The Guardian
25 Feb 2021
<<The long read
Hunting the men who kill women: Mexico’s femicide detective
Although femicide is a recognised crime in Mexico, when a woman
disappears, the authorities are notoriously slow to act. But there is
someone who will take on their case
by Meaghan Beatley
On the night of 30 October 2019, as many Mexicans were preparing to
celebrate the Day of the Dead, the family of Jessica Jaramillo stood in
the pouring rain watching two dozen police search a house on the
outskirts of Toluca, the capital of Mexico State. At about 9pm, the
authorities carried out a dead dog, followed by two live ones and a cat.
Then they pulled out a woman’s body.
Jessi, a 23-year-old psychology student at a local university, had gone
missing a week earlier. On 24 October, she hadn’t appeared at the spot
where her parents usually picked her up after class. Within a few
minutes, she called her mother to say she was going out, abruptly hung
up, then texted to add, <Don’t worry, I’m with Óscar>.
That was strange. Óscar, the father of Jessi’s 10-month-old son, was no
longer in the picture. Maybe they’d been talking, the Jaramillos thought.
But when Jessi hadn’t returned home by morning and her parents’ calls
went straight to voicemail, they knew something was wrong. She never
stayed out all night. Between school, church groups and her baby, she
didn’t have the time.
Growing increasingly concerned, Jessi’s older brother logged on to her
computer and tracked her phone through her Google account. A pin
appeared in Villas Santín, a satellite of Toluca about nine miles from
the university. Jessi’s parents, her brother and his fiancee piled into
their van.
After knocking on a few doors, the family was told by a neighbour to
check out No 136 Ponciano Díaz street, which they said was home to a
strange young man. The man always wore a black shirt tucked into black
cargo pants, with calf-high black combat boots. He was muscular, about
6ft tall, and had a military-style buzz cut. This wasn’t the first time
a young woman had entered the house and not come out again, the
neighbour said.
The neighbour’s description matched one Jessi had given six months
earlier of a former classmate who had repeatedly asked her out and then
begun stalking her. The family had helped Jessi transfer to another
local university so that she could get away from him. She wasn’t with
her ex: she must be with this other man, whose name also happened to be
Óscar. Now, they rushed over to the address, a two-storey concrete house
with iron bars on the front door and windows. A bright yellow sign
warned: “Caution: attack dog.”
The family knocked, but no one answered. So they divided up. Two stayed
behind to keep watch over the house, while the other two drove over to a
prosecutor’s office in Toluca to file a missing person’s report. They
were starting to panic. There are more than 73,000 missing people in
Mexico, collectively known as <the disappeared>. Their faces haunt
billboards and social media feeds, alongside pleas for help returning
them to loved ones. In 2019, #We’reLookingForYou and #AmberAlert were
Mexican Twitter’s top trending social or political hashtags. Many of the
missing are never found.
At the prosecutor’s office, Jessi’s father told officials about her
stalker, the message she had sent the previous night, and how they had
tracked her phone to Villas Santín. According to the Jaramillos, the
officials shrugged them off. Jessi’s message indicated she was with
Óscar García Guzmán of her own free will, they said, and besides, they
couldn’t report her as a missing person until 72 hours had passed from
the time she was last seen. The Jaramillos insisted that the officials
launch an investigation and refused to budge. After several hours, the
officials relented.
That night, police knocked on the house’s door and when no one answered,
left. The following morning, Saturday 26 October, García emerged. The
Jaramillos, who had been eating and sleeping in their van opposite the
house since the previous day in order to keep watch, approached García
to ask him to let them in to check on Jessi. García shouted that he
hadn’t seen her and that they couldn’t come in without a warrant. Then
he called the police on them. Officers came, took statements outside,
and once again left. But before they did, García agreed to go to the
prosecutor’s office to leave a statement regarding Jessi’s missing
person’s case – though not until Monday. He had homework to do over the
weekend, he said. The following day, a judge denied a search warrant
request for García’s house.
At about 8.30am on Monday 28 October, García took a taxi over to the
prosecutor’s office. In his interview, an account of which I was shown,
he described Jessi as a “friend with benefits” whom he’d known for a few
months. He stated that the two had met up on the afternoon of 24 October,
bought a pizza and gone back to his place to eat it, after which she had
left in a taxi to see the father of her baby, the other Óscar.
At 11.45am, García returned home from the prosecutor’s office. Then 20
minutes later, he stepped out again. In a video the Jaramillos took, you
can see him stride by, clad in his black, military-style uniform – like
an overgrown action figure – a backpack slung over his shoulder, a phone
clutched to his ear. With his free hand he flashes them a peace sign
before disappearing out of the camera’s frame. According to police, at
this point, he skipped town.
On 29 October, five days after Jessi had first disappeared, a judge
approved a second search of García’s house based on new evidence – CCTV
footage showing Jessi entering García’s house and not coming out again.
The following night, police swarmed the house. By then, Jessi was dead.
According to local press reports, she had been strangled and left in a
bath.
The Jaramillos were exhausted, heartbroken and furious. But then, a few
days later, a woman named Frida Guerrera knocked on their door. She told
them she could help them track down Jessi’s killer.
Frida Guerrera is a journalist who hunts down men who kill women. A year
before Jessi Jaramillo’s death, Guerrera had moved to Villas Santín,
just a few blocks away from the house where Jessi’s body was found, a
wild coincidence she later ascribed to fate. <I’ve always believed the
girls tell me where to go,>she told me when we met last year. <Call it
magic.>
For the past five years, Guerrera, who is 50, has devoted nearly every
waking hour to searching for disappeared women and memorialising the
victims of femicide. A distinct crime recognised in many Latin American
countries, femicide is defined as the murder of a woman because of her
gender. Some of the signs that characterise a femicide, according to
Mexico’s criminal code, include sexual violence, a relationship between
the victim and the murderer, prior threats and aggression, and the
display of the body in a public space. UN Women calls Latin America the
most lethal place for women outside war zones. More femicides are
committed in Mexico than in any other country in the region, except
Brazil.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/feb/25/mexico-femicide-frida-guerrera
The Guardian
25 Feb 2021
<<The long read
Hunting the men who kill women: Mexico’s femicide detective
Although femicide is a recognised crime in Mexico, when a woman
disappears, the authorities are notoriously slow to act. But there is
someone who will take on their case
by Meaghan Beatley
On the night of 30 October 2019, as many Mexicans were preparing to
celebrate the Day of the Dead, the family of Jessica Jaramillo stood in
the pouring rain watching two dozen police search a house on the
outskirts of Toluca, the capital of Mexico State. At about 9pm, the
authorities carried out a dead dog, followed by two live ones and a cat.
Then they pulled out a woman’s body.
Jessi, a 23-year-old psychology student at a local university, had gone
missing a week earlier. On 24 October, she hadn’t appeared at the spot
where her parents usually picked her up after class. Within a few
minutes, she called her mother to say she was going out, abruptly hung
up, then texted to add, <Don’t worry, I’m with Óscar>.
That was strange. Óscar, the father of Jessi’s 10-month-old son, was no
longer in the picture. Maybe they’d been talking, the Jaramillos
thought. But when Jessi hadn’t returned home by morning and her parents’
calls went straight to voicemail, they knew something was wrong. She
never stayed out all night. Between school, church groups and her baby,
she didn’t have the time.
Growing increasingly concerned, Jessi’s older brother logged on to her
computer and tracked her phone through her Google account. A pin
appeared in Villas Santín, a satellite of Toluca about nine miles from
the university. Jessi’s parents, her brother and his fiancee piled into
their van.
After knocking on a few doors, the family was told by a neighbour to
check out No 136 Ponciano Díaz street, which they said was home to a
strange young man. The man always wore a black shirt tucked into black
cargo pants, with calf-high black combat boots. He was muscular, about
6ft tall, and had a military-style buzz cut. This wasn’t the first time
a young woman had entered the house and not come out again, the
neighbour said.
The neighbour’s description matched one Jessi had given six months
earlier of a former classmate who had repeatedly asked her out and then
begun stalking her. The family had helped Jessi transfer to another
local university so that she could get away from him. She wasn’t with
her ex: she must be with this other man, whose name also happened to be
Óscar. Now, they rushed over to the address, a two-storey concrete house
with iron bars on the front door and windows. A bright yellow sign
warned: <Caution: attack dog.>
The family knocked, but no one answered. So they divided up. Two stayed
behind to keep watch over the house, while the other two drove over to a
prosecutor’s office in Toluca to file a missing person’s report. They
were starting to panic. There are more than 73,000 missing people in
Mexico, collectively known as <the disappeared>. Their faces haunt
billboards and social media feeds, alongside pleas for help returning
them to loved ones. In 2019, #We’reLookingForYou and #AmberAlert were
Mexican Twitter’s top trending social or political hashtags. Many of the
missing are never found.
At the prosecutor’s office, Jessi’s father told officials about her
stalker, the message she had sent the previous night, and how they had
tracked her phone to Villas Santín. According to the Jaramillos, the
officials shrugged them off. Jessi’s message indicated she was with
Óscar García Guzmán of her own free will, they said, and besides, they
couldn’t report her as a missing person until 72 hours had passed from
the time she was last seen. The Jaramillos insisted that the officials
launch an investigation and refused to budge. After several hours, the
officials relented.
That night, police knocked on the house’s door and when no one answered,
left. The following morning, Saturday 26 October, García emerged. The
Jaramillos, who had been eating and sleeping in their van opposite the
house since the previous day in order to keep watch, approached García
to ask him to let them in to check on Jessi. García shouted that he
hadn’t seen her and that they couldn’t come in without a warrant. Then
he called the police on them. Officers came, took statements outside,
and once again left. But before they did, García agreed to go to the
prosecutor’s office to leave a statement regarding Jessi’s missing
person’s case – though not until Monday. He had homework to do over the
weekend, he said. The following day, a judge denied a search warrant
request for García’s house.
At about 8.30am on Monday 28 October, García took a taxi over to the
prosecutor’s office. In his interview, an account of which I was shown,
he described Jessi as a “friend with benefits” whom he’d known for a few
months. He stated that the two had met up on the afternoon of 24
October, bought a pizza and gone back to his place to eat it, after
which she had left in a taxi to see the father of her baby, the other
Óscar.
At 11.45am, García returned home from the prosecutor’s office. Then 20
minutes later, he stepped out again. In a video the Jaramillos took, you
can see him stride by, clad in his black, military-style uniform – like
an overgrown action figure – a backpack slung over his shoulder, a phone
clutched to his ear. With his free hand he flashes them a peace sign
before disappearing out of the camera’s frame. According to police, at
this point, he skipped town.
On 29 October, five days after Jessi had first disappeared, a judge
approved a second search of García’s house based on new evidence – CCTV
footage showing Jessi entering García’s house and not coming out again.
The following night, police swarmed the house. By then, Jessi was dead.
According to local press reports, she had been strangled and left in a
bath.
The Jaramillos were exhausted, heartbroken and furious. But then, a few
days later, a woman named Frida Guerrera knocked on their door. She told
them she could help them track down Jessi’s killer.
Frida Guerrera is a journalist who hunts down men who kill women. A year
before Jessi Jaramillo’s death, Guerrera had moved to Villas Santín,
just a few blocks away from the house where Jessi’s body was found, a
wild coincidence she later ascribed to fate. <I’ve always believed the
girls tell me where to go,>she told me when we met last year. <Call it
magic.>
For the past five years, Guerrera, who is 50, has devoted nearly every
waking hour to searching for disappeared women and memorialising the
victims of femicide. A distinct crime recognised in many Latin American
countries, femicide is defined as the murder of a woman because of her
gender. Some of the signs that characterise a femicide, according to
Mexico’s criminal code, include sexual violence, a relationship between
the victim and the murderer, prior threats and aggression, and the
display of the body in a public space. UN Women calls Latin America the
most lethal place for women outside war zones. More femicides are
committed in Mexico than in any other country in the region, except
Brazil.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/feb/25/mexico-femicide-frida-guerrera
Women's Media Center
February 14 2012
Maria Hinojosa
<<Women, words, and violence in Mexico
Femicidio. Femicide. The female counterpart to homicide.
It is a concept our country has been less exposed to than, for example,
Mexico, Honduras or Guatemala, where the word femicidio is seen on the
front pages of newspapers much too often.
The phenomenon of gender-based murder, rape and violence is so massive
in these parts of the world that the Nobel Women's Initiative, a project
based in Canada and led by women who have won the Nobel Peace Prize,
undertook an all-women fact-finding delegation to get firsthand accounts
and investigate. I was asked to join the delegation as an embedded
journalist. The delegation was led in Mexico by Jody Williams, who won
the Peace Prize in 1997 for her campaign against land mines.
In Mexico, the delegates spent two days listening to dozens of horrible
stories about women who had been murdered, raped, tortured, disappeared
or threatened. Women came from all over the country to tell their
stories to 11 Canadian and American women, among them singer Sarah
Harmer, human-rights expert Lisa VeneKlasen, journalist Paula Todd and
activist-blogger Veronica Arreola. The fact that working women with kids
would travel 15 hours to speak to us for about seven minutes each
touched the delegates. Mariusa Lopez, a longtime women's human-rights
activist, said: <They have knocked on so many doors, and they have been
closed. You came to hear them. They will do what they can to tell their
stories to the world, a world that wants to listen.>.
On the second day, we traveled to the state of Guerrero, one of the
poorest in Mexico, where one-third of the population is indigenous.
There continues to be an institutional racism toward indigenous people.
In Chilpancingo, we heard stories about young and middle-aged women
treated like dirt by hospitals or ambulance services, resulting in
deaths and stillborn births. Another woman was kidnapped two months ago
for being a human-rights activist. Left behind are her two daughters, 21
and 26 years old. "I am not afraid to die. I just want to see my mother
free before that happens," said the 21-year-old, who is having to
negotiate for her mother's freedom with shadowy people of the criminal
underworld, along with government officials who may know her
whereabouts.
The female journalists who tell these stories also have been murdered.
One was beheaded, with her head thrown onto the steps of a government
building in her town. Another's body was hung on the street.>>
Read more here:
https://womensmediacenter.com/women-under-siege/women-words-and-violence-in-mexico
BBC
Marcos González Díaz
Corresponsal de BBC News Mundo en México
3 Febrero 2021
<<Arussi Unda, de Las Brujas del Mar: <El machismo y la impunidad hacen
la mezcla perfecta en donde se odia a las mujeres y no pasa nada>>
<<Arussi Unda, the Witches of the Sea: <The masichism and the impunity
es the perfect mix where the hate against women results in the fact that
nothing happens.>>
Read more here: (Article in Spanisch),
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-55885880
In 2020 I, as journalist for cryfreedom.net and
radical feminist I wrote
and publisched 2 articles:
1)
http://www.cryfreedom.net/femicidas.htm
2)
http://www.cryfreedom.net/slaughterhouse-rape.htm
3) In the years 2000-04 I lived in Ciuad Juarez,
Chihuahua, Mexico
where I was schocked by the femicides! I got into action resulting in:
www.cryfreedom.net/FF1.html
____
ARGENTINA
Al Jazeera
8 Mar 2022
By Natalie Alcoba
<<A family’s unrelenting fight to end Argentina’s femicide crisis
Lucia Perez’s 2016 killing sent shockwaves across Argentina. Her family
is still pushing for justice.
Mar del Plata, Argentina – Recently, Marta Montero dreamed of her
teenage daughter, Lucia. It happens from time to time. She felt the soft
fabric of the dress that Lucia was wearing, and she felt peace when she
woke up to a world in which Lucia is no longer there.
Lucia’s life was snuffed out five and a half years ago in one of the
most emblematic cases of femicide in Argentina — not just for the
violence that was exacted on the 16-year-old, but for the way in which a
court judged her. “The first year is just terrible. The first birthday.
The first Christmas,” said Montero, sitting at the kitchen table of the
modest house where she lives with her family in the coastal city of Mar
del Plata, about 400km (248 miles) from the capital Buenos Aires. <That
absence makes your skin hurt. Your soul hurts. You feel it in your body.
Your body hurts. It is just terrible. I remember coming home from work
on the bus, and seeing Lucia. And getting off the bus crying and
thinking, ‘I must be going crazy.'>
It has been a devastating and maddening time for Lucia’s family and
their allies since the teenage girl’s lifeless body was dropped off at a
health clinic in her hometown in October 2016 by two men, Matias Farias,
23, and Juan Pablo Offidani, 41. They were accused of drugging, raping
and killing her – and Farias also faced a charge of femicide – but
acquitted by a trio of judges who found them only guilty of
administering drugs to a minor. The judges also absolved a third man who
is now deceased of helping them cover up the crime.
The ruling was quashed in 2020 by a higher court, and the family is
still awaiting a new trial date to be set. They also are waiting for a
hearing that could strip the original trial judges of their posts for
relying on gender stereotypes and prejudices in their ruling. That would
be a milestone in the battle waged by women’s rights activists to
dismantle the patriarchal underpinnings of Argentine society, including
in the judiciary. <The movement of women has not only conquered the
streets, but we are also conquering these spaces and we will use all
tools that are available to us,> Maite Guerrero, a lawyer with the
Equipo Latinoamericano de Justicia y Genero, told Al Jazeera. <This case
could set an important precedent for us.>
Seminal case
In Argentina, one woman is killed roughly every 30 hours, a statistic
that has not shifted much since a new wave of the feminist movement
exploded onto the streets in 2015 under the banner Ni Una Menos — Not
One Less.
Lucia’s death prompted the first women’s strike, which saw hundreds of
thousands of people demonstrate in the streets in 2016 demanding more
action from legislators. They were driven there at least in part by the
horrific revelations by a prosecutor, who told the press in the days
after the crime that the teenager had been impaled during the brutal
attack, and that her body was cleaned.>>
Read more here:
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/3/8/a-familys-unrelenting-fight-to-end-argentinas-femicide-crisis
____
HONDURAS
USIDHR
Us institute of diplomacy and human rights.
14 Nov 2021
<<Tackling Violence Against Women in The Northern Triangle of Central
America (NTCA).
Introduction
The Northern Triangle of Central America (NTCA) – which consists of El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras – is the most violent region in the
world (Verite, 2014). El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala respectively
have some of the highest homicide rates globally – with the highest
homicide rate in the world (82.84%), the second-highest (56.52%), and
the 14th highest (27.26%) respectively (World Population Review, 2021).
A deeper issue is that perpetrators target women and girls based on
their sex and gender. Sexual and gender-based violence – including
femicides (international murders of women for being women) – plagues the
NTCA. El Salvador (3.3 per 100,000 women) and Honduras (6.2 per 100,000
women) are among the top five countries with the highest femicide rates
(Kennon and Valdevitt, 2020). Guatemala, which had a femicide rate of 7
per 100,000 women from 2010 to 2015, is not much better (Horizons of
Friendship, 2018). Rampant violence in the NTCA, including domestic
violence, forces women and girls to seek asylum in the US and Mexico. As
the assistant high commissioner for protection at the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) stated, there is a <hidden
refugee crisis> within the migration (Moloney and Thomas Reuters
Foundation, 2017). This article explores the factors contributing to
violence against women and girls in the NTCA.
Contributing factors to violence against women
The NTCA is home to many violent gangs, including the maras. Decades of
civil war and political instability (including during the Cold War)
enabled
the gangs, among whom the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the Eighteenth
Street Gang (M-18) are particularly infamous, to grow powerful. These
groups brutally kill, assault, rob, and extort people (Cheatham, 2021;
Seelke, 2014; World Bank, 2011). Together, MS-13 and M-18 have 85,000
members. According to a 2017 Latinobarometro survey of NTCA respondents,
70% considered gang violence one of the worst types of violence in the
region, and 46% had the same opinion about violence against women (Runde
and Schneider, 2019). According to the Inter-American Dialogue’s
research, a 1% increase in homicides contributes to migration from
Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador growing by 120%, 100%, and 188%
respectively (Orozco, 2018). By 2018, MS-13 was active in 94% of El
Salvador’s 262 municipalities (Crisis Group, 2018). According to Melida
Guevara, an Oxfam program manager in El Salvador, <Gang violence
exercises power over women by means of violence over their bodies. To
resist is to die. So girls and young boys, some just 8 years old, are
recruited to work for gangs or be girlfriends of gang members, and they
are trying to survive in this complex and violent context.> (Oxfam
America 2018).
According to the UNHCR, 85% of women from the NTCA seeking asylum in the
US described living in communities that armed crime groups controlled –
be it maras or other groups. The women, in interviews, stated how they
faced rape and abuse and lived amidst death and disappearances. 64% of
theinterviewed described direct threats and attacks by criminal armed
groups as ‘’at least one of the primary reasons for their flight’’,
while 62% of respondents reported witnessing dead bodies in their
communities, and many reported being forced to pay a <tax> for living or
working in a particular area. Although 69% tried to find safety in their
country, they were unable to flee their perpetrators or found similar
violence in their new locations.
The crime gangs terrorized many women so deeply the latter
<increasingly> stayed and kept their children at home instead of going
to school or work (UNHCR, 2015). It was the only way some young girls
and women felt relatively safe (McEvers and Garsd, 2015).
Gangs were not the only perpetrators of gender-based violence against
girls and women. The dangers could be further compounded if the women
themselves were in abusive relationships at home, which was very much
the case for many of the respondents (who faced <life-threatening and
degrading forms of domestic violence>). In some cases, the domestic
abuser was also part of the gang (UNHCR, 2015). According to a 2017
national survey, 67% of Salvadoran women have suffered some form of
violence in their lifetime, be it sexual assault, intimate partner
violence, or abuse from their own family. Yet only 6% of victims had
reported abuse to authorities (UN, 2018). For comparison, the Bureau of
Justice Statistics show that more than 50% of domestic violence
survivors have reported cases to the police (Morgan, PhD, and Oudekerk,
PhD, 2018). The primary cause for so extremely few reports may be lack
of access to the necessary public services, according to the Secretary
of Social Inclusion. Responses to The National Survey of Violence
against Women indicate 15% of surveyed women didn’t think the police
would believe them, 11.5% were threatened to not report at all, and 9%
did not know where to go – in addition, among all the reported cases,
only 6% of the real support has been provided. 48% of the cases involved
not reporting due to the difficulty in accessing public services (Laguan,
2018).>>
Please read more here:
https://usidhr.org/tackling-violence-against-women-in-the-northern-triangle-of-central-america-ntca/
Note by Gino d'Artali:
The ISIDHR parly based the above rapport on a report by the UNITED
NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS.
Read it here:
https://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23873&LangID=E
The Guardian
Global development is supported by
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
By Jeff Ernst in Tegucigalpa
Thu 27 Jan 2022
<<Women's rights and gender equality.
Honduras: can first female president usher in a new era for women?
Xiomara Castro will be sworn in as the first female president of
Honduras on Thursday, marking the culmination of a remarkable rise to
power that began just over 12 years ago when she led a massive protest
movement in response to the ousting of her husband, former president
Manuel <Mel> Zelaya, in a military-backed coup.
Castro’s resounding victory in the 28 November election has generated
hope for a new era for women in the country with the highest rate of
femicide in Latin America and some of the region’s most draconian laws
with regards to reproductive rights. <In her plan for government she
took us into account,> said Regina Fonseca, director of the Centre for
the Rights of Women in Honduras. <That gives us enormous hope to return
to life.> Activists are optimistic that Castro, of the center-left Libre
party, will not only take actions that help improve conditions for women
in the immediate, but also accelerate broader changes in the country’s
culture. <This small break in the patriarchy that her win represents can
become bigger and bigger, in the sense that it can open even more spaces
for participation in government and political participation in general
for women in the country,> said Carmen Haydée, a human rights lawyer and
representative of the feminist group Luchemos. Among the first order of
business, Castro is expected to undo a prohibition against emergency
contraceptives enacted in the wake of the coup. Honduras is the only
country in Latin America with absolute bans on both abortion and
emergency contraceptives. As a result, women who have been raped have
been forced to seek out emergency contraceptives on the black market.>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jan/26/honduras-first-female-president-xiomara-castro-women
Contra Corriente
August 8 2020
By Vienna Herrera
Translation: John Turnure
<<Femicide in Honduras: women dismissed by their own government.
Heidy Garcia still bears the scars of the violence she has endured for
years. On October 23, 2018, her ex-partner tried to kill her with a
machete. Now 39 years old, her face and body are scarred, and her health
has deteriorated. There is still so much pain and fear.
Heidy had to report Andres Martinez for domestic violence five times to
get a restraining order. However, no one checked whether the orderwas
enforced, and he returned one day.
<So that he could finish killing me,> says Heidy, who was assaulted the
day after her birthday, after she returned home from lunch with a
friend. He attacked her in front of her youngest daughter as she was
cooking dinner for her children.
<He was going to hit me in the face, but I jerked away out of reflex,
and I screamed ‘You’re killing me!’ He said, ‘Yeah, and I’m going to
finish you off now,’"
Heidy managed to escape that attack and was admitted to the National
University Teaching Hospital (Hospital Escuela Universitario).
Heidy’s case of attempted femicide is now pending before the Supreme
Court of Justice. The number of other pending femicide cases is not
known; the judiciary did not respond to a freedom of information request
placed by Contra Corriente.
In April 2013, the crime of femicide entered into effect in the Criminal
Code. However, the Public Prosecutor’s Office only began reporting data
on this crime in 2017, four years later. Only 30 cases of femicide have
been prosecuted through 2019. This number stands in sharp contrast to
the 7,041 reports of murder, infanticide, parricide and homicide filed
between 2008 and 2009, in which the victim was female.
Most of these cases have not been prosecuted. Between 2010 and 2019,
only 35% of the cases received by the Public Prosecutor’s Office were
brought before the courts. Of the 104 cases of femicide that reached the
Supreme Court of Justice between 2014 and 2019, only 23 have been
adjudicated. Seven of these cases were acquittals, 15 were convictions,
and the resolution of one case is not clear since the case file
indicates that it involved two charges – a femicide and a misdemeanor.
The perpetrator was acquitted of one charge and convicted of the other,
but the case documentation does not specify which one.>>
Read more here:
https://contracorriente.red/en/2020/08/08/femicide-in-honduras-women-dismissed-by-their-own-government/
GENDER EQUALITY FORUM
2018-'19
Femicide or feminicide
Latin America, the Caribbean (21 countries): Femicide or feminicide,
most recent data available (In absolute numbers and rates per 100.000
women)
2019:
Number for Honduras: 299 femicides (rate per 100.000 women).
View the whole chart here:
https://oig.cepal.org/en/indicators/femicide-or-feminicide
2017
'Men can do anything they want to women in Honduras': Inside one of
the most dangerous places on Earth to be a woman
"Nightline" went inside one of the most dangerous places on Earth to
be a woman.
ByJUJU
CHANG, JACKIE JESKO, IGNACIO TORRES and JENNA MILLMAN
3 May 2017, 20:07
• 12
min read
Read more here:
https://abcnews.go.com/International/men-women-honduras-inside-dangerous-places-earth-woman/story?id=47135328
2011-'14
THE BORGEN PROJECT
<<Tag Archive for: Femicide in Honduras. by Grace Arnold (i.e. excerpts
from the article.):
1: Murder – In 2011 Honduras experienced a peak in murder rates making
Honduras the holder of the highest homicide rate in the world. Between
2011 and 2015, the murder rate in Honduras decreased by 30 percent.
Homicides went down from 88.5 per 100,000 residents to 60.0 per 100,000
and have remained constant or decreased slowly depending on the year.
However, in Honduras, only 4 percent of reported homicide cases result
in arrest showing there is still lots of room for improvement.
6: Domestic Violence – One woman is murdered every 16 hours in Honduras,
and the country has the highest femicide rate in the world. Shocking
numbers of rape, assault and domestic violence cases are reported.
However, 95 percent of cases of sexual violence and femicide in Honduras
were never investigated in the year 2014. As mentioned above, widespread
underreporting is likely to be linked to the lack of trust in
governmental figures such as police and judicial systems. Rape is
widespread and is employed to discipline girls, women and their family
members for failure to comply with demands. In Honduras, there is a 95
percent impunity rate for sexual violence and femicide crimes and the
lack of accountability for violations of human rights of women is the
norm rather than the exception.>>
https://borgenproject.org/tag/femicide-in-honduras/
Feminist Organisation Report
6 June 2014
<<Status of violence against women in Honduras.
Submitted to the special raporteur on violance against women, its causes
and consequenses, in her visit to Honduras>>
Download the PDF here:
https://www.protectioninternational.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Violence-Women-Honduras-RapporteurONU-June2014final.pdf
EL SALVADOR
Infosegura
18 June 2021
<<Violence against women, El Salvador 2020.
(Note from Gino d'Artali: the info is also available in Spanisch and
includes a PDF to download).
The following infographic presents an analysis of violence against women
differentiated throughout the life cycle for the year 2020 in El
Salvador. It includes advances in the legal framework, challenges, and
data on intrafamily and domestic violence, sexual violence, and femicide.
This analysis was prepared by the infosegura team based on international
instruments and national legislation on violence against women for 2020
and with data from official sources in the country: CID Gallup (May
2020), Attorney General’s Office (FGR ), Technical table for
conciliation of figures of intentional homicides of the Directorate of
Information and Analysis (DIA) and Ministry of Justice and Public
Security (MJSP), Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ), Legal Medicine
Institute (IML), National Civil Police (PNC), General Directorate of
Statistics and Censuses (DIGESTYC).
Read more here/Leer mas aqui:
https://infosegura.org/en/2021/06/18/violence-against-women-el-salvador-2020/
NACLA
Reporting on the Americas since 1967
March 5th. 2021
Kristina Zanzinger, SJ Fernandez, and Yanxi Liu
<<Underreported and Unpunished, Femicides in El Salvador Continue.
In one of the most dangerous Latin American countries to be a woman,
lockdown measures exposed longstanding challenges in combatting gender
violence.
The same day President Nayib Bukele announced a strict lockdown for El
Salvador at the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, a collective of local
women’s organizations launched a hotline to support women confined
indoors with their abusers. The country was not prepared for the public
health emergency nor for protecting women against violence. >Emergency
situations,> the groups noted, always exacerbate <acts of violence
against women stemming from existing inequalities.> By early June, the
feminist organization Colectiva Feminista para el Desarrollo Local had
documented 26 femicides during the lockdown.
In recent years, El Salvador has reported high rates of domestic
violence and epidemic rates of femicide, the intentional killing of a
woman or girl based on her gender identity. A 2017 survey found that 67
percent of Salvadoran women had experienced some form of violence in
their lives, and in 2019, the country had one of the highest femicide
rates in Latin America, second only to Honduras. Although El Salvador
passed a gender violence law in 2011, establishing sentences of 20 to 50
years for femicide, acknowledging and prosecuting these cases remains
arduous. The pandemic has further exposed these challenges, including by
exacerbating structural barriers to reporting gender-based violence.
Local human rights lawyers and feminist activists have been fighting to
address these limitations by expanding support systems for victims of
domestic violence.
Salvadoran law defines femicide as the killing of a woman with <motives
of hatred or contempt for her condition as a woman.> Some scholars have
proposed the term feminicide, rather than femicide, to underline the
role of state negligence in these crimes and the intersection of power
dynamics and cultural and socioeconomic factors.
In El Salvador and elsewhere, most femicides happen within the context
of domestic violence, and structural machismo and the societal
normalization of gender-based violence perpetuate both abuses and
impunity. Campaigns and events organized by groups like Colectiva
Feminista aim to educate women on their human rights, improve their
sense of agency and self-worth, and dismantle the normalization of
violence. However, underreporting of domestic violence is still an
issue.
<Domestic violence is the beginning [of feminicide] since women suffer
domestic violence in silence,> explains human rights attorney Arnau
Baulenas of the Instituto de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad
Centroamericana (IDHUCA) in San Salvador. And according to Marshall
University Latin America history professor Chris White, in El Salvador,
a geographically small country with a high-density population, the
normalization of violence is also shaped by a strong historical memory
of civil war-era violence.
<Impunity Means More Violence>
Calling attention to the growing irregularity of resources available for
women facing violence in 2020, Colectiva Feminista partnered with the
abortion decriminalization organization Agrupación Ciudadana para la
Despenalización del Aborto as well as the women’s human rights group Red
Salvadoreña de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Humanos to create a
hotline to provide psychological and legal support. The support line
responds to an increased need since the start of the pandemic for remote
resources for victims, their families, and others hoping to report
instances of gender-based violence or gain information about
preventative actions. Many callers are from family members and partners
seeking legal assistance to press charges against their abusive
counterparts, explains activist and lawyer Laura Moran.
According to Moran, the Colectiva Feminista received more gender-based
violence cases in the first six months of the pandemic than it did
during all of 2019. Reports to the police also increased during
lockdown. However, uneven awareness among public officials about the
problem, combined with normalization, has created significant barriers
to building substantial legal services to protect victims of abuse.
Potential for revictimization by police who uphold patriarchal norms,
such as the idea that domestic violence is a family matter, is one
possible deterrent to reporting abuse. Such barriers to reporting, a
lack of political will to dedicate resources to combatting feminicide,
and structural problems in the judicial system also translate into a
lack of justice for victims. Activists have often pointed out the
hypocrisy of El Salvador's justice system criminalizing women for having
abortions—or stillbirths or miscarriages in many cases—while failing to
pursue prosecutions for femicides.
According to Baulenas, prosecutions are often overshadowed by personal
and cultural biases against victims that color cases with patriarchal
and machista assumptions. These biases contribute to impunity for
gender-based crimes, and it can also retraumatize survivors who choose
to report their abuse. <Impunity means more violence,> Baulenas
explains, underlining a cycle of inaction that fuels further
underreporting. “The system needs to be fixed and authority figures need
reeducation,” he adds.>>
Read more here:
https://nacla.org/news/2021/03/04/femicides-el-salvador-pandemic
United Nations
Meetings Coverage and Press Releases.
8 December 2020
<<Deputy Secretary-General Applauds El Salvador for Implementing
Spotlight Initiative, Tackling Highest Rate of Femicide in Latin
America.
Following are UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed’s remarks, as
prepared for delivery, at the “Let’s Talk about Violence against Women”
conversation, held virtually today:
It is a pleasure to join. I thank the honourable Minister of Foreign
Affairs of El Salvador, Alexandra Hill Tinoco, for convening this event
during the 16 days of Activism against Gender-based Violence.
The Government of El Salvador is a key partner in the Spotlight
Initiative — our global multilateral partnership with the European Union
to end all forms of violence against women and girls.
This is an enormous challenge, one that has been exacerbated by the
COVID-19 pandemic, but I am convinced that with the participation of
Member States, civil society, the private sector and others, we can make
decisive progress towards ending violence against women and girls and
achieve gender equality by 2030.
This is an absolute imperative for global progress and well-being. We
will not achieve the Sustainable Development Goals if women and girls
are side-lined from quality education, lack employment opportunities and
live in fear of violence and insecurity — in the home, in public
transportation, online, school, in the workplace or marketplace.
Globally, 1 in 3 women worldwide have experienced physical or sexual
violence. In El Salvador, that percentage is 7 in 10 — more than twice
as high.
El Salvador also has the highest rate of femicide in Latin America, and
one of the highest rates in the world. In August 2020, La Prensa Gráfica
reported that 10 women were murdered in the first eleven days of August
alone.
In support of the Government’s efforts and in partnership with civil
society, the Spotlight Initiative is being implemented across El
Salvador to address the roots of this violence. To date, nearly 800,000
people have been impacted by these efforts.
The Initiative’s investments serve to strengthen laws and legal
protections and the ability of national institutions to prevent,
document and eradicate violence. It is building the capacity needed to
gather data on prevalence which can inform effective policy measures.
And critically important, the Spotlight Initiative is channelling
resources to women’s rights organizations on the frontlines.>>
Read more here:
https://www.un.org/press/en/2020/dsgsm1519.doc.htm
YRIS
The Yale Review of International Studies
Posted on March 2020
El Salvador's femicide crisis.
by Sophie Huttner
I, Gino d'Artali, highly recommend this article from which I cannot
quote 'cause it's in an image format:
http://yris.yira.org/essays/3794
BRAZIL
Women's Media Centre
20 April 2020
Loreen Arbuss - Raphael Tsavkko Garcia
<<While murder rates fall in Brazil, femicide
remains on the rise.
Cuiabá, Brazil — Murder rates in Brazil are falling. In 2019, the number
of victims of violent crimes fell 19 percent from 2018, down to 41,634,
the lowest number since the Brazilian Public Security Forum began
collecting data in 2007. In fact, those numbers have steadily been
declining since 2018, after hitting a peak of nearly 64,000 murders in
2017.
While President Jair Bolsonaro and his supporters are quick to claim
credit, the decline can be largely attributed to the end of violent
conflict between rival criminal factions, who have long fought for
control of the country’s drug trade; measures taken by the government
under former President Michel Temer — which, among other things, has
improved the coordination of police forces; and state-level
interventions in prisons, such as isolating leaders of criminal groups
to make it more difficult to coordinate actions beyond prison walls.
And yet, femicide in the country remains on the rise.
A longstanding scourge
According to a survey conducted by Brazilian news site G1, and based off
official data, Brazil experienced a 7-percent increase in femicides from
2018 to 2019, as the number of recorded cases jumped from 1,173 murders
in 2018 to 1,314 murders in 2019. And the 2018 figure was already a
12-percent increase over the year before.
Femicide is described as <any crime that involves domestic violence,
contempt, or discrimination against women, which results in their
death.> It was codified as a criminal offense under the country’s
Femicide Law of 2015, which was announced by then-President Dilma
Rousseff on International Women’s Day, and added harsher penalties for
specific cases, such as when violence is committed against pregnant
women, girls under 14, women above 60, and women and girls with
disabilities.
<It has taken us a long time to say that the killing of a woman is a
different phenomenon,> Nadine Gasman, then-head of UN Women in Brazil,
told Reuters. <Men are killed in the street, women are killed in the
home. Men are killed with guns, women with knives and hands.> >>
Read more here:
https://womensmediacenter.com/women-under-siege/while-murder-rates-fall-in-brazil-femicide-remains-on-the-rise
WOMEN'S MEDIA CENTER
Februari 24 2019
Raphael Tsavkko Garcia
<<Bolsonaro’s new gun law could put Brazil’s women in the line of fire.
São Paulo, Brazil—On January 15, Brazil’s newly-elected president Jair
Bolsonaro signed a decree loosening restrictions on gun ownership in the
country that leads the world in firearm deaths, as of 2016. Already,
women's rights advocates and policy experts fear that, in addition to a
potential rise in violence overall, women will become the main targets.
<It is estimated that, in 2016, about half of the women killed in Brazil
were victims of firearms and, of these, about 25 percent were murdered
[in their homes],> said Elaini Cristina Gonzaga da Silva, director of
the Orbis Center for Studies in Law and International Relations and a
law professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP).
<By focusing on the use of a weapon to defend ourselves against those
who come from outside the house, we forget that the weapon is often used
[by and against] those who are inside the house itself.>
Letícia Bahia, co-founder of the feminist site AzMina and a consultant
for the United Nations Foundation, told Women Under Siege, <Women are
killed at home almost three times more than men. In half of the cases,
the crime is committed with a firearm.> Responding to the decree, she
said, <Some people think that firearms could save these lives, but it is
clear that women will come off worse in a fight… Violence and aggression
are, historically, the attribute of masculinity.>
According to Relógios da Violência (Clocks of Violence), a data project
designed by the Maria da Penha Institute to visualize country statistics
on violence against women, a woman is the target of a firearm in Brazil
every two minutes. In a country where gender-based violence is already
at staggering levels, fears that easing gun possession will only
increase domestic violence seem closer to being realized. >>
Read more here:
https://womensmediacenter.com/women-under-siege/bolsonaros-new-gun-law-could-put-brazils-women-in-the-line-of-fire
____
COLOMBIA
The Guardian
Global development is supported by
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
By Joe Parkin Daniels in Bogotá
25 Jan 2021
<<'Nowhere is safe': Colombia confronts alarming surge in femicides.
This article is more than 10 months old.
Vice-president joins activists in calling for zero tolerance of
‘machismo’ that has left hundreds of women and girls dead.
When authorities pulled the lifeless body of four-year-old María Ángel
Molina out of a river in rural Colombia on 13 January, the South
American country mourned what was the 14th documented case of femicide
this year. Her murderer, Juan Carlos Galvis, also kidnapped María’s
sister, and later admitted to authorities that he committed the brutal
crimes in order to punish the girls’ mother for seeing another man.
With five more femicides, murders directly related to the victim’s
gender, documented since María’s killing – 18 in total, with a further
13 to be verified – rights groups are worried about the safety of women
and girls once again forced indoors with abusive men amid a new round of
strict lockdowns to curb coronavirus outbreaks.
<Sadly when we speak about violence against women in Colombia, there
isn’t a single place that we can call ‘safe’,> said Juliana Castillo
Rodas, who works with the Femicide Foundation Colombia, an NGO that
provides support for women and tracks gender-based violence. <But what
we can say is that the home has become one of the most dangerous places
for women.>
Throughout last year – which involved six months of lockdown – the
foundation confirmed 229 femicides, of which 35 were girls, and is
trying to verify a further 260 cases of violent deaths of women and
girls that could be defined as femicides.
While a rise in confirmed cases did not occur, rights groups say the
numbers are probably much higher, with cases often unreported by women
for fear of reprisal. Women are also less likely to reach out for help
when trapped at home with their abusers. When authorities are contacted,
they are often unresponsive.
<We’re worried that when women inform authorities, they are not listened
to by the state or its institutions,> Castillo said. <We may not have
noted a rise in cases last year, though we did see an increase in the
number of violent acts against women, such as disappearances,
immolations and dismembering, alongside sexual violence.>
Measures such as better gender education and safer, well-lit cities
could help make Colombia safer for women, Castillo said. Other activists
say coronavirus measures such as bans on alcohol sales and curfews that
limit parties and social gatherings can reduce some risks for women and
girls who live with abusive men.
Colombia’s vice-president, Marta Lucía Ramírez, addressed the alarming
situation for women on Tuesday while visiting Medellín, the country’s
second city. <We have to reach zero femicides,> she said in a speech
announcing opportunity programmes for women. <We have to end machismo
and any kind of violence against women.>
Horrifying murders of women and girls are not uncommon in Colombia, and
are sometimes committed by authority figures. Last June, scandal
engulfed the military after seven soldiers gang-raped a 13-year-old
indigenous girl.
<We know that this is not an isolated issue, it is structural,> said
Aida Quilcue, at the time a human rights adviser at the National
Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC).>>
Read more here:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/jan/25/nowhere-is-safe-colombia-confronts-alarming-surge-in-femicides
WOMEN'S MEDIA CENTRE
September 21, 2020
Christina Noriega
<<Surge in Femicides Under Lockdown Renews Calls for Colombia's
Reckoning with Gendered Violence.
BOGOTÁ —On the night of June 14, police reported that 30-year-old Heidy
Soriano and her four-year-old daughter had been killed by her partner in
the home they shared in the capital city of Bogotá. The double homicide
made headlines across Colombia after weeks of mounting violence against
women during a nationwide lockdown. Just that morning, 23-year-old
university student Daniela Quiñones had disappeared returning home from
a party. Police, who later found her body dumped in the Cauca River,
said another partygoer had killed her when she refused his sexual
advances.
The back-to-back killings— two out of a total five violent deaths in
less than 48 hours — were enough to set off national indignation.
Experts have attributed the spike in violent crimes against women to the
state-mandated quarantine, which was in place from March 25 to September
1. The country has since begun to gradually reopen and moved on to a
<selective quarantine> for people confirmed or suspected of having the
coronavirus. While the quarantine has helped curb the contagion,
official reports suggest that women are suffering from violence at
alarming rates.
The weekend after the murders, demonstrators marched in various
Colombian cities, blocking important thoroughfares and singing feminist
chants, to protest what they perceived as the government’s failure to
protect women as reports of gender-based crimes were skyrocketing. In
the first 11 days of the quarantine, calls to a national hotline for
violence against women jumped 103 percent compared to the same period
last year.
<Violence against women is not a priority for the government,> said
Laura Daniela, a 21-year-old sociology student at a march in Bogotá.
<It’s only when we come out to the streets that the government
recognizes the problem.>
From March 25 to July 2, the national hotline for violence against women
received an average of 119 calls daily — a 130-percent increase from
last year, according to government figures. Surprisingly, the government
also reported a dip in legal medical evaluations (which are usually
conducted after a police report) for all forms of gender-based violence,
including domestic violence, sexual abuse, and homicides. Experts,
however, have stated that victims may have been more inclined to seek
support from a hotline than report their abusers to the police.>>
Read more here:
https://womensmediacenter.com/women-under-siege/surge-in-femicides-under-lockdown-renews-calls-for-colombias-reckoning-with-gendered-violence
Note from Gino d'Artali:
For me it would be at least be more then a month's job to cover all the
countries at South- and Latin America.
Impossible really if one considers all the other work I do for
Cryfreedom.net
But I promise I'll keep track concerning it!
Gino d'Artali
radical feminist and investigatitve depth journalist
|